Political System of Nepal: Modernisation Required

20
DOI: 10.20542/0131-2227-2026-70-7-100-110
EDN: VHIUGT
E. Novinskii, ORCID 0000-0001-5740-7854, ernestn899@gmail.com
Institute for International Studies of MGIMO University, 76, Vernadskogo Prosp., Moscow, 119454, Russian Federation.
 

Received 25.02.2026. Revised 24.03.2026. Accepted 27.04.2026.

Abstract. The article examines the political system of modern Nepal. The shift from constitutional monarchy to democratic republic didn’t result in a desired stability – between 2008 and 2025 the post of prime-minister changed hands 14 times and since 2015 it has been held by chiefs of three main parties. The main reason for this is their inability to cooperate and share power within the same political alliance – there has been no successful power transfer under any coalition agreement. The article examines the more archaic features of Nepali political culture, including the dominance of upper castes in higher echelons of power and the “chakari” system. The author argues that there was little incentive for any changes in the political culture, as the 2008 system was democratic enough to not interrupt the flow of foreign aid into the country, so the practices of corruption and sycophancy could continue unabated. This format of the political system has largely determined lack of economic development in Nepal, and the contradictions accumulated as a result of this conflict between the old and the new have already resulted in the “GenZ movement” of September 2025. They might symbolise the beginning shift in political culture of the Himalayan country as well as the fall of the most archaic practices, but, as the author states, professional politicians have still triumphed over the popular movement and the new leaders face old challenges, when it comes to power sharing in the Nepali parliament.

Keywords: Nepal, political system, caste system, least developed country, youth protests


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For citation:
Novinskii E. Political System of Nepal: Modernisation Required. World Eñonomy and International Relations, 2026, vol. 70, no. 7, pp. 100–110. https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2026-70-7-100-110 EDN: VHIUGT



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