Italy in the Mediterranean: the “Middle Power” Dilemmas

166
DOI: 10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-80-90
E. Alekseenkova, alekseenkovaes@gmail.com
Institute of Europe, Russian Academy of Sciences (IE RAS), 11/3, Mokhovaya Str., Moscow, 125009, Russian Federation.

Received 26.03.2021.

Abstract. The article analyzes the policy of the Italian Republic in the Mediterranean during the first and second cabinet of Giuseppe Conte through the prism of the “middle power” concept. Relying on the methods of event-analysis and discourse analysis, the author identifies a number of factors that affect Italy’s ability to realize its national interests in the region. Among them, the most important are: the growing contradictions within the Euro-Atlantic bloc (the EU and NATO) on the current regional dynamic and the aggravation of geopolitical competition in the region; the reactive rather than strategic nature of Rome’s politics; the increasing use of “hard power” as a tool for achieving national interests by regional players. The author argues that in these geopolitical conditions, the room for maneuver of a “middle power” is narrowing while the need to “take a side” in current conflicts makes the politics of “equidistance” no longer available, which is contrary to the geo-economic interests of Rome. The collapse of the bipolar system and the evolution of international relations towards anarchy rather than multipolarity led to the fact that at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, both the U.S. and the EU have virtually lost a strategic vision of their relationship with the Mediterranean region. Both NATO and the EU demonstrate a growing failure to develop a common view of regional dynamics and a common approach to resolving current conflicts. Under these circumstances, the strategy of a “middle power”, which Italy has been following for several decades, is becoming less and less productive. Maintaining the “status”, “presence” and “voice” in the existing multilateral formats no longer makes it possible to act as a mediator in a dialogue with third countries, since there is no common understanding of both alliances’ (EU and NATO) goals and objectives. And in case such an understanding begins to appear, it is more confrontational than cooperative (like, for example, in case of the presence of Chinese technologies or Russian gas in the European market), which also reduces the possibilities of international cooperation for a “middle power” such as Italy. Besides, these multilateral structures are becoming less and less useful in protecting its national interests. As the events of the analyzed period demonstrated, the alliances’ “crumbling” on all sensitive issues could not help Rome either in solving the migration problem, or in the Libyan settlement, or in the energy problems. A “middle power” used to rely on multilateral dialogue is increasingly being held hostage by the contradictions of states that adhere to unilateral approaches in achieving their national interests. The new era of geopolitical confrontation in the Mediterranean (between the United States, China, Turkey, Russia, etc.) is increasingly reducing the possibility of maintaining a “dialogue with all” and makes a “middle power” “to take sides”. The article contributes to the study of the Italian foreign policy and the analysis of “middle powers’” behavior in the changing geopolitical context of the Mediterranean region.

 

Keywords: Italy, “middle power”, Mediterranean, MENA, EU, USA, Turkey, PRC, Libya, Eastern Mediterranean


REFERENCES

  1. De Leonardis M. Guerra fredda e interessi nazionali. L’Italia nella politica internazionale del secondo dopo guerra. Rubbettino Editore, Soveria Mannelli, 2014. 323 p.
  2. Luttwak Edward N. From Geopolitcs to Geo-Economics: Logic of Conflict, Grammar of Commerce. The National Interest, 1990, no. 20, pp. 17-23.
  3. Bartenev V.I. International Assistance to the Middle East and North Africa: Managing Risks: Report No. 62/2020. Moscow, NP RIAC, 2020. 116 p. (In Russ.)
  4. Zvyagel’skaya I., Svistunova I., Surkov N. The Middle East in the Conditions of “Negative Certainty”. Mirovaya ekonomika I mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 2020, vol. 64, no. 6, pp. 94-103. (In Russ.) Available at: https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-6-94-103
  5. Romero F. Rethinking Italy’s Shrinking Place in the International Arena. The International Spectator, 2016, vol. 51, no. 1, pp. 1-12. DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2016.1108613
  6. Krastev I. After Europe. Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017. 128 p.
  7. Gromyko Al.A.A Divided West: Consequences for The Euro-Atlantic. Contemporary Europe, 2018, no. 4, pp. 5-16. (In Russ.)
  8. Pierini M. How Far Can Turkey Challenge NATO and the EU in 2020? Carnegie Europe, January 29, 2020. Available at: https://carnegieeurope.eu/2020/01/29/how-far-can-turkey-challenge-nato-and-eu-in‑2020-pub-80912 (accessed 12.02.2021).
  9. Tanchum M. Italy and Turkey‘s Europe-to-Africa Commercial Corridor: Rome and Ankara‘s Geopolitical Symbiosis Is Creating a New Mediterranean Strategic Paradigm. Austria Institut für Europ a und Sicherheits politik, 2020. Available at: https://www.aies.at/publikationen/2020/fokus-20-10.php (accessed 13.02.2021).
  10. Holbraad C. The Role of Middle Powers. Cooperation and Conflict, 1971, vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 77-90.
  11. Vershinina V.V. “Middle-Level Powers” in International Relations: Comparative Analysis of Conceptual Approaches. Comparative Politics, 2020, vol. 11, no. 3. pp. 25-40. (In Russ.) DOI: 10.24411/2221-3279-2020-10034
  12. Cooper A.F., Higgot R., Nossal K. Relocating Middle Powers: Australia and Canada in a Changing World Order. Vancouver, UBC Press, 1993. 240 p.
  13. Chapnick A. The Middle Power. Canadian Foreign Policy, 1999, vol. VII, no. 2, pp. 73-82.
  14. Valigi M. Le medie potenze. Teoria e prassi in politica estera. Milano, Vita e pensiero, 2017. 236 p.
  15. Barabanov O.N. Italya after the Ñoldwar: from “Middle Power” to the “World of Protagonists”. Moscow, ROSSPEN, 2002. 159 p. (In Russ.)
  16. Zonova T.V. The History of the Italian Foreign Policy. Moscow, 2016. 352 p. (In Russ.)
  17. Del Sarto R.A., Tocci N. Italy’s politics without policy: Balancing Atlanticism and Europeanism in the Middle East. Modern Italy, 2008, vol. 13, no. 2, pp. 135-153. DOI: 10.1080/13532940801962033
  18. Rapporto – 2020. Le scelte di politica estera. Ministero degli Affari Esteri. Available at: https://www.esteri.it/mae/doc/rapporto2020_sceltepoliticaestera_090408.pdf (accessed 01.02.2021).
  19. Maslova E.A., Ushakova N.V. Italian Mediterranean Politics. Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, 2018, no. 1 (35), pp. 111-116. (In Russ.)
  20. Colombo S. Italia, Francia e Germania di fronte alla crisi libica tra interessi nazionali divergenti e competizione. Italia ed Europa di fronte alle crisi libica. Colombo S. ed. Roma, Edizioni Nuova Cultura, 2020, pp. 87-103.
  21. La strategia italiana nel mediterraneo. Stabilizzare le crisi e costruire un’agenda positiva per la regione. Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale, Rome, 2017. Available at: https://www.esteri.it/mae/resource/doc/2017/12/rapporto-med-maeci-ita.pdf (accessed 14.02.2021).
  22. Libia, prevale la forza. E Serraj chiede armia Italia e Stati Uniti. Corriere della sera, 19.12.2019. Availableat: https://www.corriere.it/opinioni/19_dicembre_19/libia-pericolo-che-prevalga-logica-guerra-044c3d66-228a-11ea-8e32-6247f341a5cc.shtml?refresh_ce (accessed 22.01.2021).
  23. Ekim S., Bilotta N. Italian–Turkish Economic Relations: An Overview. Istituto Affari Internazionali, 2020. Available at: https://www.iai.it/sites/default/files/iaip2025.pdf (accessed 10.02.2021).
  24. Sbarchi di clandestine triplicati e nel 2021 andrà peggio. Analisdifesa.it, 01.01.2021. Available at: https://www.analisidifesa.it/2021/01/sbarchi-di-clandestini-piu-che-triplicati-nel-2020-e-lanno-prossimo-sara-peggio/ (accessed 14.02.2021).
  25. L’accordo Italia-Libia, un orrore lungo quattro anni. Ecco quello che chiediamo al Parlamento. Il Fatto Quotidiano, 02.02.2021. Available at: https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2021/02/02/laccordo-italia-libia-un-orrore-lungo-quattro-anni-ecco-quello-che-chiediamo-al-parlamento/6086633/ (accessed 12.02.2021).
  26. Italia–Libia, firmato un nuovo accordo per la Difesa. La Repubblica, 04.12.2020. Available at: https://www.repubblica.it/esteri/2020/12/04/news/italia-libia_firmato_anche_un_nuovo_accordo_per_la_difesa-276999021/ (accessed 10.01.2021).
  27. Pescatori italiani in Libia liberati, ma a quale prezzo? “Riconosciuto il dittatore Haftar, mistero sulla contro partita”. Libero Quotidiano, 18.12.2020. Available at: https://www.liberoquotidiano.it/news/commenti-e-opinioni/25591756/pescatori-italiani-libia-liberati-a-quale-prezzo-haftar-dubbi-giuseppe-conte.html (accessed 14.02.2021).
  28. Turchia e Libia, cosa chiedono gli Usa all’Italia. Parla il gen. Camporini. Formiche, 31.01.2021. Available at: https://formiche.net/2021/01/italia-usa-con-biden-parla-camporini/ (accessed 05.02.2021).
  29. Conferenza stampa del Ministro Di Maio con il Ministro degli Affari Esteri turco, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, 19.06.2020. Available at: https://www.esteri.it/mae/it/sala_stampa/archivionotizie/approfondimenti/incontro-del-ministro-di-maio-con-il-ministro-degli-affari-esteri-turco-mevluet-cavusoglu.html (accessed 14.02.2021).
  30. Tanchum M. Europe-Mediterranean-Africa Commercial Connectivity: Geopolitical Opportunities and Challenges. Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, MED dialogue series, November 2020, no. 31. Available at: https://www.kas.de/en/web/poldimed/single-title/-/content/europe-mediterranean-africa-commercial-connectivity-geopolitical-opportunities-and-challenges (accessed 21.01.2021).
  31. President Erdoğan: Algeria is one of Turkey’s strategic partners in North Africa. AkParti, 27.01.2020. Available at: https://www.akparti.org.tr/en/news/president-erdogan-algeria-is-one-of-turkey-s-strategic-partners-in-north-africa-27-01-2020-16-12-22/ (accessed 14.02.2021).
  32. D’Amelio D. Dal dragone all’Aquila: il porto di Trieste parla di nuovo tedesco. Limes, 2020, no. 10. Available at: https://www.limesonline.com/cartaceo/dal-dragone-allaquila-il-porto-di-trieste-parla-di-nuovo-tedesco?prv=true (accessed 30.09.2021).
  33. Port of Trieste, USA boycotts the CCCC. Is the Silk Road in danger? Triestenews, 17.09.2020. Available at: https://www.triesteallnews.it/2020/09/17/port-of-trieste-usa-boycotts-the-cccc-is-the-silk-road-in-danger/ (accessed 10.02.2021).
  34. Patuanelli, Trieste is the “Main port for the use of the Recovery Plan”. Triestenews, 14.01.2021. Available at: https://www.triesteallnews.it/2021/01/14/patuanelli-trieste-is-the-main-port-for-the-use-of-the-recovery-plan/ (accessed 14.02.2021).
  35. Alekseenkova E. Discursive Power of the PRC Versus the Normative Power of the EU: the Case of Italy. Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 2020, vol. 64, no. 5, pp. 62-72. (In Russ.) Available at: https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-5-62-72
  36. Di Maio L. Siamo l’Italia – la settima Potenza mondiale. SkyTG24, 06.12.2020. Available at: https://www.facebook.com/LuigiDiMaio/videos/siamo-litalia-la-settima-potenza-mondiale/3687051834649403/ (accessed 14.02.2021).

Registered in System SCIENCE INDEX

For citation:
Alekseenkova E. Italy in the Mediterranean: the “Middle Power” Dilemmas. World Eñonomy and International Relations, 2022, vol. 66, no. 1, pp. 80-90. https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-80-90



Comments (0)

No comments

Add comment







Indexed

 

 

 

 

Dear authors! Please note that in the VAK List of peer-reviewed scientific journals, in which the main scientific results of dissertations for the degree of candidate and doctor of sciences should be published for the “MEMO Journal” the following specialties are recorded:
economic sciences:
5.2.5. World Economy.
5.2.1. Economic Theory
5.2.3. Regional and Branch Economics
political sciences:
5.5.4. International Relations
5.5.1. History and Theory of Politics
5.5.2. Political Institutions, Processes, Technologies

 

Current Issue
2025, vol. 69, No. 3
Topical Themes of the Issue:
  • Interference Debate within the UN: Record of Systematic Study 
  • Problems and Ways of Russia’s Access to Non-CIS Countries Product Markets
  • The Integration in Central Asia: Restrictions and Perspectives
Announcement

Dear authors of the journal!

Please note that the author's copies of the issues in which your texts are published are kept in the editorial office for no more than one year. After this period expires, the editorial office has the right to dispose of unclaimed copies at its own discretion.

 

Submit an Article
INVITATION FOR PUBLICATION
The Editorial Board invites authors to write analytical articles on the following topics:
  • changes in the processes of globalization in modern conditions
  • formation of the new world order
  • shifts in civilization at the stage of transition to a digital society

The editors are also interested in publishing synthesis articles / scientific reviews revealing the main trends in the development of certain regions of the world - Latin America, Africa, South Asia, etc.