Abstract. After the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Xi Jinping managed to consolidate political power at the highest level since Mao Zedong’s time. Xi achieved his personal goal of becoming the “No. 3 leader” in modern Chinese history, having managed without an open opposition in the CPC to make changes to the CPC Constitution and put his ideas on “socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era” on the same level as the ideas of Mao and Deng Xiaoping and above the ideological contribution of his predecessors Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. In addition, Xi was able almost entirely with the exception of Premier Li Keqiang to replace the PC members of the PCB of the Central Committee of the CPC without designating, in spite of the tradition established during the reforms, his successor. All members of the PC are at such an age that in five years they will overcome the age limit and will not be able to qualify for the post of General Secretary. At the same time, Xi introduced a number of new personnel to the BOP and the CC, including the “young” ones, born in the 1960s, who worked together with Xi at the provincial level. And also – almost completely got rid of the cadre heritage of Jiang and Hu. It seems that Xi has decided to “grow” a successor of the current 50-year-olds by organizing among them a kind of competition for the place, the arbiter of which will be Xi, for whom a new post is likely to be created after 2022. In the economy immediately after the congress and visit to China, D. Trump, it seems that work begins on the implementation of pre-Congress and congressional promises of Xi on financial liberalization. In mid-November 2017, the Chinese government announces plans to open the financial services market (insurance, investment activities, securities) for 3 to 5 years for foreign capital, giving it, ultimately, the right to own up to 100% of the property (instead of less 50% today) of joint and foreign corporations working in these sectors. The visit of D. Trump to China immediately after the end of the 19th Congress of the CPC was of a special nature for Peking. It was important to show that, as a strong leader, he is able to build new relations in the “new era” with the main, in the Chinese sense, world development actor – the US, and move from the previous phase of the deterioration of bilateral relations to a new one – their improvement. In China, the Summit was given a special character, underlining its “State visit plus ...”. Against the backdrop of the Summit, Chinese analysts say privately that relations with the United States today are more important for China than for Russia.